More unmarked loanwords in Tscheremissisches Wörterbuch

As I mentioned in an earlier post, while Tscheremissisches Wörterbuch generally notes if a Mari word has a Uralic etymology or is a loanword, and thus is a useful way to determine which Mari items are so far without an etymology, there are a few loanwords that were erroneously left unmarked. Here are some more:

  • MariE č́oman ‘large bast basket’ was linked by Wichmann (1903) to Cv. çuman id., although the presence of the Mari word only in Morko and Birsk in TschWb makes Tatar čuman or even Ru. dial. чуман a possibility as well.
  • MariE mŭl’o, mə̑l’e NW W mol’ə̑ ‘kind of fish’ is from Ru. dial. мольсамая мелкая рыбка, недавно выведшаяся’ and is listed in Savatkova (1969: 104).
  • MariE NW süsanem ‘tremble (e.g. from cold, fear)’ is from Cv. śüśen- and is listed in Fedotov (1990).
  • MariE šolap, šolop ‘roof gutter’ is from Ru. жёлоб id. I’m am not aware of this etymology being expressly mentioned anywhere before Veršinin’s dictionary of Mari dialects of Udmurtia and Tatarstan, but I would think this a pretty transparent borrowing.
  • MariE NW teŋgə̑ltöngəl ‘bench, chair’ is from either Tat. dial., Bashkir täŋkälтабуретк’ or Cv. tenkelскамейка, стул’.
  • MariE treńč́a NW trendzä W tranza ‘roof shingle’ is a borrowing of Ru. драница and listed in Savatkova (1969:95).
  • MariW əŋgəžä ‘shoulder’ is a borrowing of Cv. ĕnse (< *ĕŋsä) ‘nape’, as recognized already by Räsänen (1920: 28). The word is not, however, listed in Fedotov’s Чувашкомарийские языковие взаимосвязи, and that may be why it was overlooked by the TschWb editors.
  • MariNW W tepenä ‘hole in oven or drying kiln’ was derived from Ru. теплина by Räsänen (1930). This etymology was overlooked by Savatkova (1969), however.
  • Also in Räsänen (1930) we find MariE sə̑lma NW W tsə̑lma ‘homemade trousers’ compared to Cv. śïrt­ma, śït­ma, śïta ‘children’s cloth nappies; long underwear’, which merited marking the entry in TschWb with “[~ Tschuw.]”. This word would be more than a straightforward loan between Mari and Chuvash, as it surely must be related to Moksha Mordvin seŕ­mag, ser­mjaga ‘coarse undyed fabric’ and is probably of Iranian origin.
  • MariE toβro ‘of course, certainly’ is a clear borrowing of Ru. добро (before contact with Russian, ‑βr‑ was not a permitted cluster in Mari), and other instances of this Russian borrowing across the Mari dialects are listed in Savatkova (1969: 95).

References

Fedotov = Федотов, М. Р. 1990: Чувашско-марийские языковые взаимосвязи. Саранск: Издательство саратовского универстета, саранский филиал.

Räsänen, Martti 1930: “Wortgeschichtliches zu den sprachen der Wolga-völker” – Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen 36:1.

Räsänen, Martti 1920: Die tschuwassischen Lehnwörter im Tscheremissischen. Mémoires de la Socíete Finno-ougrienne 48. Helsinki: Société Finno-ougrienne.

Savatkova = Savatkova, A. A. 1969: Русские заимствования в марийском языке. Йошкар-Ола: Марийское книжное издательство.

Veršinin = Вершинин, В. И. 2011: Словарь марийских говоров Татарстана и Удмуртии. Йошкар-Ола

Wichmann, Yrjö 1903: Die tschuwassischen Lehnwörter in den permischen Sprachen. Mémoires de la Socíete Finno-ougrienne 21. Helsinki: Société Finno-ougrienne.

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