Исторические связи чувашского языка с языками угро-финнов поволжья и перми

M.R. Fedotov’s work Исторические связи чувашского языка с языками угро-финнов поволжья и перми (Cheboksary: Chuvashskoe knizhnoe izdatel’stvo, 1965) is a collection of four studies on interaction between Chuvash and Mari. In spite of the title, Fedotov examines only the flow of loanwords from Chuvash into Mari without considering Mari loanwords in Chuvash, and Finno-Ugrian languages besides Mari are rarely treated.

The first chapter discusses what Mari loanwords might tell us about the phonetic character of early Chuvash, namely the status of such developments of prothetic v- and the raising of *a to o/u. That Chuvash had become a r-type Turkic language before contact with Mari is not surprising, considering that r is reflected already in early Turkic loanwords into Samoyed (e.g. Tundra Nenets юр” ‘100’ < Proto-Chuvash jür) and so must have happened in Siberia. Rather than the Mari data, the material I found most intriguing in this chapter was the early attestations of Volga Bolgar in Arabic script and their somewhat ambiguous interpretation. I intend to read more on this field in the future.

The second chapter is titled ‘The morphological character of Chuvash loanwords in Mari’ and describes which suffixes have become part of Mari after being adopted in Chuvash words, e.g. Chuvash -ҫӑ > Mari -зе in loans like Ch. кӗслеҫӗ ~ Mari кӱслезе ‘kantele player’ and Ch. сунарҫӑ ~ Mari сонарзе ‘hunter’.

The third chapter ‘The lexical-semantic classification of the Chuvash loanwords in Mari’ shows in what kind of spheres Chuvash has contributed to Mari, ranging from kinship terms to flora and fauna and cosmology. Most interesting here was the large amount of shared vocabulary in Chuvash and Mari pagan religion, showing unexpected kinship in a field whose practitioners often boast of the Mari as a ‘pure’ nation, autochthonous and set apart from their neighbours.

The final chapter is a dictionary of Chuvash loanwords into Mari, over 1200 listings in alphabetical order. This makes a great quick reference when you’ve learnt a Chuvash word and want to know if it made it into Mari.

However, in discussing loans I think Fedotov was too quick to assign nearly all Turkic loanwords in Mari a Chuvash origin, when Tatar may have been possible as well. Mari шоган ‘onion’ could have come from Tatar суган just as much as Chuvash сухан. Mari емыж ‘fruit’ would in my opinion be a more likely loan from Tatar жимеш than from Chuvash ҫимӗҫ, as Chuvash loanwords with initial ś- usually show s- or š- in Mari.

Fedotov remains an informative overview of the phenomenon, though it is somewhat dated. More recent publications such as Hesselbäck’s Tatar and Chuvash Code-copies in Mari can point you to updated research.

Occitan audio

I bought Alain Nouvel’s textbook L’Occitan sans peine (Paris: Assimil, 1976) several years ago in a Madrid bookshop, but I passed on the cassette package, which cost nearly a hundred euro and had evidentally spent a couple of decades in the sun. I regretted that for a long time, since from the textbook alone I was never really sure how to pronounce Occitan and didn’t get much help from Assimil’s French-based phonetic transcription, e.g.:

Perqué la parlas?

Perqué es ma lenga : de mai, es bèla e plan celébra.

Mas, dempuèi quora es celèbra?

Dempuèi l’epòca dels Trobodors; veirem tot aquò dins qualques leiçons.

perké la parlos?

perké és ma léngo : dé may, és bèlo é pla sélèbro.

mas démpuèy kour(o) é(s) sélèbro?

démpuèy l’époko dés troubadous : béyrén tout ako din kalkés léyssous.

Ugly. Well, I assumed that this 1970s-era book was left to fall into obscurity—after all, it is probably one of Assimil’s lowest-selling courses—and I never bothered to check on its in print status. But I recently discovered that you can buy L’Occitan sans peine in a book and 3 audio CDs package. The CDs sound fantastic, very clear enunciation by several speakers. I’ve now embarked on trying to learn this language with a goal of oral proficiency, not just counting it as another Romance language I can read.

The book does really show its age in the racist cariactures which illustrate claims that people outside of France are interested in the language:

A not very politically correct illustration from L’Occitan sans peine.

Another rather objectionable illustration from L’Occitan sans peine

Glottochronology pops up again

A recent article at the website of BBC News has been getting some attention in popular Internet fora.

Some of the oldest words in English have been identified, scientists say.

Reading University researchers claim ‘I’, ‘we’, ‘two’ and ‘three’ are among the most ancient, dating back tens of thousands of years.

Their computer model analyses the rate of change of words in English and the languages that share a common heritage.

The team says it can predict which words are likely to become extinct – citing ‘squeeze’, ‘guts’, ‘stick’ and ‘bad” as probable first casualties.

This sounds like the old concept of the Swadesh list all over again. Excuse my scepticism that anything can really be absolutely dated back so many millennia past the barely reconstructible era of Pre- and Proto-Indo-European.

Prebendary

It occasionally happens that a word newly encountered, which I suppose to be completely defunct and perhaps even a hapax legomenon, is met again soon after somewhere very different. While reading Saint-John Perse’s work Amers, his long poem in honor of the sea, I was not sure of the definition of one of the terms in this dizzying list:

Et c’est la Mer qui vint à nous sur les degrés de pierre du drame:
Avec ses Princes, ses Régents, ses Messagers vêtus d’emphase et de métal, ses grands Acteurs aux yeux crevés et ses Prophètes à la chaîne, ses Magiciennes trépignant sur leurs socques de bois, la bouche pleine de caillots noirs, et ses tributs de Vierges cheminant dans les labours de l’hymne,
Aves ses Pâtres, ses Pirates et ses Nourrices d’enfants-rois, ses vieux Nomades en exil et ses Princesses d’élégie, ses grandes Veuves silencieuses sous des cendres illustres, ses grands Usurpateurs de trônes et Fondateurs de colonies lointaines, ses Prébendiers, et ses Marchands, ses grands Concessionnaires des provinces d’étain, et ses grands Sages voyageurs à dos de buffles de rizières.

Amers, ‘Invocation’, 6

I had no idea what a prébendier might be, but I was too lazy to find a French dictionary and look it up. Perse is known anyhow for Frenchifying classical terminology otherwise rarely attested in the language, and I wasn’t sure if such a word would be in any commonly available French dictionary.

But oddly enough, the only other work of literature I’ve taken along for my current travels in the Middle East, the Oxford World’s Classics edition of Laurence Sterne’s Tristram Shandy, uses the word in English in its chronology of the author: 1742 (8 January) Admitted as prebendary of North Newbald.

The Oxford English Dictionary defines the word as: The holder of a prebend; (formerly) a canon of a cathedral or collegiate church who obtained income from a prebend; (in later use) an honorary canon in any of various Anglican cathedrals.. A prebend according to the OED is Originally: the estate or portion of land from which a stipend is derived to support a canon of a cathedral or collegiate church, or a member of its chapter (more fully corps of the prebend).

The etymology, again according to the OED, is lit. “things to be supplied”, use as noun of neuter plural of gerundive of classical Latin praebēre to present, show, to offer, to provide, supply, contracted < praehibēre to provide, supply (Plautus) < prae- PRE- prefix + habēre to have, hold.

Finally, prebend was clearly reborn out of classical literature. The descendent of the Vulgar Latin neuter plural of the gerundive of praehibēre came down to us as a different word but somewhat more often read, namely ‘provend’, having undergone a characteristic b > v shift in Middle French.

Tatar texts

None of the recently published Tatar textbook has much in the way of long texts, but I’ve found a book that will fill that gap. Asija Gyjlaedzhetdinova’s Татар телен өйрәнүчеләр өчен тектстлар (Kazan: “Яңалиф” нәшрияты, 2004) ISBN 5943520155 is a collection of short texts meant for school pupils who already know some Tatar, but it’s quite useful for foreigners learning the language. It costs all of 2€ in a Kazan bookstore, so there’s no reason not to pick it up. Here’s how the first text looks:

Үзем турында

Минем исемем, фамилиям Илдар Кәримов. Мин 1987 (бер мең тугыз йөз сиксән җиденче) елның 25 (егерме бишенче) мартында Казанда тудым. Минем әтием, әнием һәм сеңелем бар. Мин Казан шәһәренең 155 (йөз илле бишенче) мәктәп-гимназиясендә 11 (унберенче) сыйныфта укыйм. Безнең мәктәп дүрт катлы. Ул Четаев урамында урнашкан. Дәресләр сәгать сигездә башлана, икегә кадәр дәвам итә.

Минем бер дә буш вакытым юк. Дәресләрдән соң китаплар укыйм. Татар язучыларыннан Габдулла Тукай, Галимҗан Ибраһимов, Әмирхан Енинкине, рус язучыларыннан Антон Павлович Чехов, инглиз телендә язучылардан Эрнест Хемингуэны яратам. Вакыт булганда театр, концертларга, музей, күргәзмәләргә барам. Минем дусларым күп, иң якын дустым — Азат.

Сүзлек

сыйыф класс
дүрт катлы четырёх етажный
дәвам итә продолжается
бер дә совсем
күргәзмә выставка
якын близкий

Сораулар

  1. Син кайда һәм кайчан тудың?
  2. Син кайда укыйсың?
  3. Син буш вакытыңны ничек уздырасың?

About myself

My name is Ildar Karimov. I was born on March 25, 1987 in Kazan. I have a mother, father and younger sister. I study in the 11th class of Kazan City School 155. Our school has four floors. It is located on Chetaev street. Lessons begin at eight o’clock and continue until two.

I don’t have any free time at all. After lessons I read books. Among Tatar writers I love Gabdulla Tukaj, Galimdzhan Ibrahimov, and Amirkhan Enikine, among Russian writers Anton Pavlovich Chekhov, and among writers in English Ernest Hemingway. When I have time I go to the theatre, to concerts, to the museum, or to exhibitions. I have many friends, and my closest friend is Azat.

Vocabulary

сыйыф class
дүрт катлы four-storey
дәвам итә continues
бер дә absolutely
күргәзмә exhibition
якын close

Questions

  1. When and when were you born?
  2. Where do you go to school?
  3. How do you spend your free time?

Balkan multilingualism

Yesterday I bought in a Cluj used bookstore a Crestomație de literatură română veche (Cluj-Napoca: Editura Dacia, 1983), a selection of early Romanian-language documents edited with commentary, and printed on surprisingly good paper for the Ceaușescu era. As one might expect, the chrestomathy begins with the letter of Neacșu of Câmpulung, the first attestation of the Romanian language (leaving aside the issue of the torna, torna frate Byzantine quotation). Neacșu’s letter is presented for English speakers on an admirable website developed by Bucharest university students.

What I especially like about this document is that it attests to the lively multilingualism of the time. We have here a speaker of Romanian writing in his native language to a German-speaking mayor, with stock phrases from the Church Slavonic chancelery language, about the invasion of the ‘beg’ (Modern Turkish bey) Mahamet. This German-Slavonic-Romanian mixture has now completely disappeared from Romania. It leaves me a bit sad, just like reading Chaucer’s lines about the Prioress, French she spake full fair and fetisly / After the school of Stratford atte Bow, and then comparing it to the foreign language skills of the average educated Briton nowadays.

Nenets-Nganasan comparison

In a Nenets course this fall, I’ve used a lot the Comparative Nenets-Nganasan Multimedia Dictionary compiled by St. Petersburg scholars Marina Lublinskaya and Tatiana Sherstinova, with headwords in those two languages and in Russian and English. The Introduction presents the two languages and their history in a fashion accessible to readers who don’t necessary have any prior experience with the Uralic languages.

But the most appealing part of the dictionary is that each listing has audio. The Nenets or Nganasan word is read aloud by a native speaker. See for instance the entry for ‘bear’, Nenets варк and Nganasan ңарка. These languages sound quite odd and exotic compared to most of the other Finno-Ugrian languages. Things get even more out there with words like ‘water’, which in Nenets и”(д) and Nganasan быˀ has a phonemic glottal stop.

Romanian snow

A couple of years ago I read a fascinating paper by the Slavicist B.O. Unbegaun entitled ‘Les noms de la neige en roumain’, collected in Selected Papers on Russian and Slavonic Philology ed. R. Auty & A. E. Pennington (Oxford, 1969). While this theme is especially interesting to me because Cluj lies almost exactly on the isogloss between the words nea and omăt, I thought this paper would appeal to a fairly wide audience, and I felt it didn’t deserve to lie forgotten in an old Festschrift. So, I have translated it here into English. There’s probably a great deal of Franglish, but I’m tired and will further edit later.

The Romanian Names for ‘Snow’

Romanian hasn’t preserved the old Latin word for snow (nivem) in the form nea except in a limited area, in western Transylvania mainly to the west of a wavy line going from Sighet Maramuresului (Marmaros Sziget) in the north to the Iron Gate on the Danube in the south. The same word has survived in Istro-Romanian (nęwu), in Megleno-Romanian (nęuă) and in Aromanian (neao)1. The rest of the Romanian-speaking territory is divided into two more or less equal parts by a line, wavy as well, going approximately from Turda in western Transylvania to Sulina in the Danube delta.

In the region to the south of this line, which comprises Wallachia and southern Transylvania, snow is called zăpadă; this term is also the one used in the literary language.

In the area situated to the north of the indicated line, which comprises Moldavia, Bessarabia, Bucovina and northern Transylvania, the word omăt serves for snow.2.

The Slavonic origin of the words zăpadă and omăt is obvious and has been known for a long time: the first word contains the root pad- ‘to fall’, and the second the root met- ‘to throw, to sweep’.

It is entirely natural that the verb ‘to fall’ has given rise to the word for snow. In Albanian, for example, don’t the words reshën and dëborë similarly come from verbs meaning ‘to fall’?3 But precisely this analogy with Albanian on one hand, and the absence in the Slavonic languages of a word zăpadă in the sense ‘snow’ on the other, has resulted in some linguistic misunderstandings which one ought to dispel.

Sextil Pușcariu, in reconciling these two facts, has developed the hypothesis that the word zăpadă belonged to the language of the Slavs who once inhabited Dacia, north of the Danube, and it was calqued, just as the corresponding words in Albanian, on some autochthonous language of the Balkans.4 This hypothesis also served for Pușcariu to corroborate his theory of the autochtony of the Romanians in Transylvania, a theory which will we not concern ourselves further in this article and whose fragility has been pointed out by A. Rosetti.5

While the word zăpadă is not attested in the Slavonic languages with the precise meaning ‘snow’,6 almost all those languages still know or have formerly known the verb whose Slavonic prototype can be derived from the Romanian word and which means ‘to be buried, to be blocked, to be completely covered by something falling’. To give some examples of this, Russian zapadát’: odna byla vo pole dorožen’ka, no i ta snegom zapadala ‘there was only one little road across the field, but it was covered by snow’ (from a folk song); Czech zapadnouti, zapadati: pole sněhem zapadlé ‘field covered by snow’; a nešt’astníky sněhem zapadlé vyhledávali ‘they sought the misfortunate people trapped in the snow’;7 schody zapadané sněhem ‘staircase covered in snow’; Polish zapaść, zapadać, the verb existed with this meaning only in Old Polish and the only example which the Słownik warszawski gives is from the 16th century: Król, na jednym miejscu wielkie niepogody cierpiąc, śniegiem wielkim zapadł ‘the king, suffering from the bad weather, was completely buried in snow’;8 Slovene zapásti (pres. zapádem): sneg je zapadel štiri črevlje na debelo ‘snow fell four feet deep’;9 Serbo-Croatian zàpasti (pres. zàpadnem): snijeg pade, drumi zapadoše, planine se snijegom zaviše, po gori se hoditi ne može ‘snow has fallen, the roads are blocked, the mountains are wrapped in snow, you can’t go through the forest’ (folk song).10 In most of these languages, the verb in question can mean only burial in snow. We point out two verbal adjectives as well: Slovene has the expression zapáden snȇg ‘snow which blocks, which buries’,11 and this adjective zapáden is not used except in combination with snȇg ‘snow’. Polish offers the adjective zapadny ‘snowy’, e.g. polskie zimy należą przeważnie do zapadnych ‘Polish winters are usually snowy’.12

Against this abundance of verbal forms, including verbal adjectives, one does not find any nouns except the example západ sněhu pointed out by Kott,13 with no traces of it anywhere else. The modern colloquial language doesn’t seem to recognize this sense of západ. Furthermore, Ukrainian has a noun západ’ (fem.) in the sense of ‘deep snow’.14 This lack is surprising, as precisely postverbals of the type zapad form in the Slavonic languages an extremely common form of derivation. Nevertheless, zapad is widely found in most Slavonic languages, but with the sense ‘descend, West’; the idea is that the sun ‘falls’ (pad- behind (za-) the earth. It is this sense that seems to have hindered or stopped the development of the meaning ‘snowfall’. But even outside of the occurrence of the meaning ‘West’, the entire family of verbs zapasti, zapadati ‘to be buried’ is receding in the Slavonic languages to the point that it is limited little by little to some stock phrases. The situation of Polish, for example, clearly shows this; and precisely in Polish zapad ‘West’ was less awkward than elsewhere, seeing as Polish has replaced it with the term zachód. The compound verb zapasti in the Slavonic languages could have still other meanings which also on their part seem to have contributed to the weaking of the sense ‘to be buried’.

The rudimentrary state that the historical study of the Slavonic lexicon finds itself in hardly permits us to venture far in our conclusions. Nonetheless, one can already note that the radiance of this semantic group we are interested in here was once more considerable than it is today. It takes Romanian zăpadă out of its supposed isolation and makes it very probable and even a matter of course that it was borrowed from some Slavonic neighbour of Romanian, without having to involve the enigmatic Daco-Slavonic. The geographic breadth of the Romanian word would favour a borrowing from South Slavonic.15 The only problem which remains is whether Romanian borrowed the postverbal zapadŭ16 as it was, or if it created it on its own from a Slavonic verb.

The Slavonic terms which we have cited suggest still another matter, that in the beginning zăpadă did not refer to snow as a meteorological phenomenon, but rather to the accumulation of snow which blocks roads, such as what in the patois and in the French of Auvergne and Forez, for example, is so comfortably called a congère.

This detail reveals another problem to us, which in his time Tache Papahagi faced and could not resolve: why was nea replaced by zăpadă, while the verb a ninge ‘to snow’, of Latin origin, has survived everywhere in Romanian-speaking territory?17 It is because these two words originally belonged to different semantic series, as the verb which corresponds to zăpadă is not a ninge ‘to snow’ but a zăpădi ‘to cover in snow’; one in fact finds it in the Psalter of Coresi from 1577, where it translates the Slavonic osněžatsę.18

The second word with a Slavonic origin, omăt, which is found only in dialects in the east of Romanian-speaking territory (see above), represents exactly the same concept as zăpadă: ‘accumulation of snow’. Here the Slavonic parallels are more clean cut; one could point to Russian omët, which means today ‘haystack’, but whose etymological meaning could be none other than ‘accumulation, heap’. Ukrainian, which should figure in here, taking into account that the geographical distribution of the Romanian word, nevertheless attests omét only with the meaning ‘border’, but an older meaning ‘heap’ is vey probable. With a different prefix modern Ukrainian has the word zamét ‘heap of snow’ and Russian zamët, zámet’ (fem.) and sumët, while Polish has zamieć with the same meaning. As for zăpadă, the Slavonic verb that Romanian omăt is derived from is still used in most Slavonic languages. It suffices to cite here Ukrainian mestý, for example in its impersonal usage (3rd person singular) meté ‘the wind sweeps the snow’; the compound namestý means ‘to heap up snow’ (speaking of the wind). As far as the presence of Romanian ă for Slavonic e, it can be explained by the Romanian sound law which change e to ă after labials (cf. ovăs ‘oats’ from Slavonic oves etc.). It’s useful to also point out the noun nămet (and nemete) ‘heap of snow’ derived from the Slavonic compound indicated above. Just as with zăpadă we find the verb zăpădi, there exists with omăt a verb a omăta,19 and with nămet a verb a nămeți, both of which mean ‘to cover with snow’.

This substitution of the Latin noun for the substance with a Slavonic noun referring to the accumulation that this substance produces is not an isolated one in Romanian. It has the very same thing for the noun for ‘sand’. Indeed, the old Latin noun (arenam) has been preserved only in a limited area, in Transylvania (arină) and in Bessarabia (anină), and furthermore the presence of the word in Bessarabia seems to be due to a Transylvanian colonization. Everywhere else one finds the word nisip which can only go back to the Slavonic nasypĭ, a postverbal from nasypati ‘to accumulate, to heap up’. One finds in some places, in certain dialects, the form năsîp which corresponds exactly to the Slavonic phonetically.20

It is known elsewhere that Slavonic words which in Romanian substituted words of Latin origin generally are not identical in meaning with these; their initial meanings normally expressed special nuances.21

Coming back to words for snow, one will note that the origin of zăpadă and omăt do not pose any enigmatic problem and is linked to well-known Slavonic words. There’s no surprise about the coexistence, in older Romanian, of nea on one hand and zăpadă on the other, as these terms referred to different notions: ‘snow’ and ‘heap of snow’. The only real problem is the disappearance of nea beside the two Slavonic expressions. A tentative resolution has been proposed by E. Gamillscheg. He observed that the area marked by nea an m before i and j did not change to ń (through ), but on the contrary this happened in most of the territory where snow is called zăpadă and, most of all, omăt. In this territory, therefore, Latin agnella ‘ewe’ survived, through the intermediary of mnieauă, as niauă, neauă, falling together with the word for snow, which in the contemporary dialectal form is indeed neauă.21 This clever hypothesis is worth what it’s worth; one ca nonetheless wonder if the homonymy of ‘snow’ and ‘ewe’ could have caused any real inconvenience. Furthermore, the literary language has preserved the form with initial m: mea. Still, this explanation of E. Gamillscheg is the only one offered to account for the disappearance of nea ‘snow’.

Strasbourg, 1953.

  1. S. Pușcariu, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der rumänischen Sprache, № 1160.
  2. It is a pity that the volume de the Romanian linguistic atlas (Atlasul linguistic român), no more than that of the small Romanian linguistic atlas Micul atlas linguistic român) containing the entry for ‘snow’ has not yet been published. Fortunately, this entry (№ 1248) has been reproduced in several publications: in Seven Pop and Emil Petrovici, Atlas linguistique roumain ed. S. Pușcariu, Bucharest, Monitorul Oficial, 1936, carte; in two articles de Sextil Pușcariu: (a) ‘Les enseignements de l’Atlas linguistique de Roumanie‘, Revue de Transylvanie, III (1936) № 1; (b) ‘Le rôle de la Transylvanie dans la formation et l’évolution de la langue roumaine’, La Transylvanie, 1938; in the same author’s work Limba română, vol. 1, Privirea generală, București, 1940, p. 214; and finally in E. Gamillscheg’s study Randbemerkungen zum rumänischen Sprachatlas, Berlin, 1941, p. 18 (Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1941, Phil.-hist. Klasse, № 7).
  3. N. Jokl, ‘Erbwortschatz des Albanischen’, Indogermanische Forschungen, XLIII (1926), p. 53.
  4. This hypothesis was first formulated in Dacoromania (IV, 1924–6, p. 1365), and then successively reprised in the author’s later works: ‘Les enseignements de l’Atlas linguistique de Roumanie’, Revue de Transylvanie, III (1936); Limba română, I, pp. 180, 282, 291; E. Gamillscheg is associated with it in op. cit., pp. 17–19. Recently Alwin Kuhn has done the same: ‘Probleme der rumänischen Philologie’, Cahiers Sextil Pușcariu, I (1952), pp. 236–7.
  5. Sur la méthode de la géographie linguistique’, Bulletin linguistique, XII (1944), pp. 106–12.
  6. One must add, to tell the truth, ‘based on the present state of knowledge’: with waiting for a problematic linguistic atlas of the South Slavonic languages, the Rječnik hrvatskogo ili srpskoga jezika of the Academy of Zagreb, in the process of publication since 1880, may, if it one day arrives at the letter Z, reveal to use some exact cognate of the Romanian word.
  7. Fr. Št. Kott, Česko-německý slovník, V, p. 180.
  8. VIII, p. 208
  9. M. Pleteršnik, Slovensko-nemški slovar, II, p. 859.
  10. F. Iveković and I. Broz, Rječnik hrvatskoga jezika, II, p. 801.
  11. M. Pleteršnik, ibid.
  12. Słownik warszawski, VIII, p. 201.
  13. Op. cit., p. 179
  14. B. Hrinčenko, Словник україньскої мови, 3rd ed., II, ‘Київ’ 1927, p. 268.
  15. G. Reichenkron assumes a Bulgarian origin in ‘Der rumänische Sprachatlas und seine Bedeutung für die Slavistik’, Zeitschrift für slav. Philologie, XVII (1941), pp. 155–6.
  16. The final of the Romanian word does not go back to the Slavonic and is analogical; see A. Rosetti, Bulletin linguistique, V (1937), p. 227.
  17. T. Papahagi, ‘Dispariții și suprapuneri lexicale’, Grai și suflet, III (1927–8), p. 83.
  18. H. Tiktin, Rumänisch-deutsches Wörterbuch, III, pp. 1792–3. Today the verb a înzepezi ‘to block with snow’ is used.
  19. Ibid., p. 1088.
  20. E.g. in the dialect of Gorj. See I. D. Ionescu, in Buletinul Al. Philippide, VI (1939), p. 231; VII–VIII (1940–1), p. 328.
  21. See also G. Reichenkron, op. cit., p. 165.
  22. E. Gamillscheg, op. cit., p. 19

An etymologist's view of the world

Last week Der Spiegel had a photo gallery of selections from a recent ‘Atlas of True Names’, a series of maps showing cities under the etymological meaning of their names. Rome, for instance, is found as ‘Currenton’ (I suppose from a PIE root meaning ‘to flow’, cf. Greek ῥεῖ). Lots of fun.

It turns out that LanguageHat has already covered this in detail.

Koguryo and the origins of Japanese

While I do hope to learn Japanese one day to read the works of such great novelists as Kawabata and Mishima, I doubt I will ever be more than the most casual of dilettantes in Japanese historical linguistics. That said, I do like skimming books on the field, and have heard enough of Roy Andrew Miller’s view on the language in the context of general Altaic studies.

One reader has recently brought to my attention a fairly new view on the history of Japanese, set out by Christopher I. Beckwith in his book Koguryo: The Language of Japan’s Continental Relatives (Leiden: Brill, 2004). I haven’t actually read the book yet, as it is not in the university library in Helsinki, and I can’t afford a typical Brill hardcover, and though the book is completely readable for free at Google Books, it hurts my eyes. Nonetheless, there is a substantial review of the book on the web at the blog Néomarxisme. In introducing us to this language which may possibly be related to Japanese, the reviewer writes:

From around 100 B.C. to the 7th century A.D., modern day Korea was divided into three kingdoms: Koguryo, Shilla, and Paekche. The three states were eventually unified under Shilla in 668, and the modern Korean language originates from the language spoken in Shilla. Koguryo and Paekche, however, had different languages which are posited to be related to each other. Scholars thus make two groupings of Korean peninsula languages: the Han languages — spoken in Shilla and among the subjugated class in Paekche — and the Puyo-Koguryoic languages of Koguryo, Puyo (another Northern Korea state), and Paekche’s ruling class. The latter family is now totally extinct and probably made a minor impact on modern Korean. The lack of written records and remaining vocabulary items from these languages make it difficult to learn much about the nature of the “Koguryoic” family.

I’ve encountered two separate complaints about unreliable reconstructions in Beckwith’s book. On an Amazon review, one Asier Gabikagojeazkoa writes:

But Beckwith has made some considerably big mistakes in his comparative Japanese-Koguryo work (how could possibly yama, mountain in Japanese, and ɣapma ‘big mountain’ in Koguryo, be related? The Proto-Japanese word for mountain is *dama, as every y- in Japanese comes from d-, as noted in some Ryukyuan dialects).

John R. Bentley at the Northern Illinois University writes:

Beckwith reconstructs Proto-Japanese-Ryukyuan ‘eye’ as *mika or *miak (2004:157-58). This is based entirely on the Hateruma island word miŋ ‘eye’. He sees the velar nasal going back to a velar -k. This is then compared with Old Chinese *mek ‘eye’ and Old Tibetan myig ‘eye’. Gary Oyler, in 1997, did an MA thesis on the problem of -ŋ in Hateruma, and concluded that the -ŋ is secondary. It only occurs word finally, and there is no pattern to which words have the ŋ and which do not. It is completely random. My own work has found this same phenomenon in Yonaguni, an island not far from Hateruma, but the ŋ is attached to different nouns than those in Hateruma (so the development of this nasal was independent on the two islands). This velar nasal is simply a relic of morphology that the speakers have reanalyzed as part of the noun, kind of like American speakers spelling ‘hafta’ (< ‘have to’), where they treat two original words as one. It cannot be reconstructed as part of the proto-form. The true etymology of ‘eye’ would be *ma-i or perhaps *ma-Ci. So Beckwith also has the vowels wrong.